Monday, September 18, 2017

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Video - Asif Ali Zardari in Noshera

Video - #Peshawar #KP #PPP co-chairman Asif Ali Zardari addressing to supporters

Zardari says efforts being made to weaken PPP




Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) Co-chairman and former president Asif Ali Zardari addressing a workers convention here on Monday claimed that efforts were being made to weaken his party. 

The former president said: “The PPP is a nationwide party with its presence in all four provinces,”. “Efforts are being made to weaken our party but we are not afraid [to face this] because we preach love and democracy.”
Zardari while addressing the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa said “KP should not lose hope”, adding the PPP would unite the political forces of the province to bring an end to all  issues.
He added: “In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, we will form government in the 2018 general elections and bring youth forward.”
Previously, Zardari had said that he had told former prime minister Nawaz Sharif that he would do politics not in the first four years of the government but in the final year before the 2018 general elections.
The former president also discussed with the crowd in Peshawar the recent by-poll in Lahore’s NA-120, where Kulsoom Nawaz had emerged victorious.
“I don’t see the establishment is backing me up,” said Zardari, adding that he sees a ‘Jiyala’ at his back.
 “If you listen to Maryam Nawaz’s statements following the victory, there is a lot to observe,” he remarked.
Zardari said that if Nawaz intended to implement the Charter of Democracy back in the day, then the PPP workers wouldn’t have languished in jails.

Pakistan - Ex-minister’s imprudent remarks






CH NISAR SUPPORTS TALIBAN
FORMER interior minister Nisar Ali Khan’s seemingly ongoing quest to criticise the PML-N from inside the party has stepped up further with an extraordinary attack on Foreign Minister Khawaja Asif. The bitter rivalry between the two PML-N leaders is well known, but what sets apart Chaudhry Nisar’s latest attack on the foreign minister is that it centres on a fundamental policy issue involving the country’s future. Foreign Minister Asif spoke candidly and courageously in recognising the country’s failed security policies of the past and the need for greater action against militant groups that continue to operate with impunity in the country. Now Chaudhry Nisar has responded to the foreign minister’s assertions in a manner illustrative of the deep denial that some sections of the state and political leadership continue to be in.
According to the former interior minister, the real problem of the country is the outside world’s desire to cast Pakistan as irresponsible and a spoiler of peace in the region rather than the fact that the continued existence of militant groups in the country undermines the peace, security and prosperity of the people here. What is worrisome about Chaudhry Nisar’s assertion is that until less than two months ago, he was leading the interior ministry which has a central role to play in counterterrorism efforts across the country. If Chaudhry Nisar is revealing his ideological preferences, one may well ask if he was the right person to have led the ministry tasked with ensuring law and order in the country. If he is simply trying to settle political scores with the foreign minister, he is doing a disservice to the government and the country by appearing to undermine a vital national security and foreign policy debate.
Indeed, the disaffected politician appears more concerned with staying in the headlines than doing what is right by the country. An earlier assertion that he was aware of a security threat to Pakistan that even Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi does not know about was shocking. Ought the former interior minister not to have shared that information with the prime minister or his successor in the interior ministry? Similarly, there can be legitimate disagreements over the suitability of Khawaja Asif to run the foreign ministry and how to respond to US, Indian or Afghan criticism of this country. Perhaps Chaudhry Nisar’s aim is to deflect attention away from the militancy debate because it will reflect poorly on his record as interior minister. But petty political infighting should not be allowed to undermine debates that are vital to the future peace, security and prosperity of the Pakistani people.

Forced conversions of Pakistani Hindu girls






By Quratulain Fatima
Up till now, the attempts to bar forced conversions through specific laws have fallen flat. The proposed bill against forced conversions was tabled in November 2016 in the Sindh Assembly. However, the bill got stalled due to strong objections from certain religious hardliners, and has not been ratified
Jinnah’s September 11 speech has been quoted time and again to assert state responsibility towards minorities’ protection. Despite this and constitutional protection to minorities, they face many types of persecution. Hindus are estimated to be around 2 percent of the Pakistan’s population. However, it is feared that the Hindu population is dwindling at an alarming rate. According to the Pakistan Hindu Council, religious persecution, especially forced conversions remain the foremost reason for migration of Hindus from Pakistan.
Pakistani Hindus are losing daughters to forced marriages. These forced marriages are hidden behind sham conversions to Islam. Religious institutions are pivotal in promoting this practice and supporting the conversions of minor Hindu girls. Consent remains the foremost requirement for conversion and marriage. However, under the tenets of Islam as well as Pakistan’s law, minors cannot give informed consent and consent under coercion is void. Girls are often minors and legally lack informed consent even if they are coerced through the promise of marriage.
Religious institutions like Bharchundi Sharif and Sarhandi Pir support forced conversions and are known to have support and protection of ruling political parties of Sindh. So much so, Mian Abdul Haq alias Mian Mitha, a former legislator of Pakistan People’s Party was found involved in the case of Rinkle Kumari’s forced conversion and marriage in 2012.
Recently, abduction of a school teacher, Ameeta Kumari in Gambat by an influential feudal made rounds on social media. Also in 2017, 16 years old, Rvaita Meghwar was abducted near Nagar Parkar in southeastern Sindh Province and married off to a Muslim man twice her age. These incidents are preceded by a consistent stream of conversions of lowers caste minor Hindu girls for the past many years. According to the National Commission of Justice and Peace and the Pakistan Hindu Council (PHC) around 1000 Christian and Hindu minority women are converted to Islam and then forcibly married off to their abductors or rapists. This practice is being reported increasingly in the Districts of Tharparkar, Umerkot and Mirpur Khas in Sindh. An accountability mechanism must be established to ensure religious institutions do not become party to forced conversions. Protection should also be provided to the victims, their families, and judges presiding over the cases. Penalties should also be imposed on law enforcement agencies that align with powerful feudal and political interests
Hindus form a major minority in lower Sindh. They have co-existed peacefully with Muslims for centuries. This has changed in the wake of extremism that engulfed Pakistan since the 1980s. Apart from being vulnerable to the Blasphemy law, Hindu communities are becoming highly vulnerable due to abductions of women and their forced conversion to Islam. Since violent extremism particularly strikes the lower classes who aren’t able to defend themselves, the upper-class Hindus are apparently safe from this onslaught.
According to a submission to UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, by the World Sindhi Congress (WSC), Pakistani Hindus face two kinds of forced conversions. One is bonded labour and the other is forced marriage. Both are affecting the lower caste Hindus wherein forced conversions specifically target Hindu girls.
Up till now, the attempts to bar forced conversions through specific laws have fallen flat. The proposed bill against forced conversion was tabled in November 2016 in the Sindh Assembly. The bill recommends a five-year punishment for perpetrators, three years for facilitators of forceful religious conversions, and also makes it a punishable offence to forcibly convert a minor. The bill got stalled due to strong objections by certain religious hardliners and has not been ratified.
However, there is a remedy in other laws. There are laws enacted that protect minors and are invoked in the case of marriages to cover forced conversion. These laws include Section 365-B of the Pakistan Penal Code which delegitimises a marriage under duress or force, the Child Marriage Restraint Act of 1929, 2013 act against child marriage in Sindh, and certain sections of the Pakistan penal code against forced marriage, kidnapping, abducting or force into marriage.
Unfortunately, in the case of forced conversions of lower caste Hindu girls, the feudal and extremist pressures hamper implementation of the laws. Forced conversion cases pertain mostly to lower caste poor Hindu families who mostly do not report and seldom pursue cases. Therefore, the reported number of forced conversions is greater than what it actually is.
There has been intense reporting of forced conversion cases throughout the media in recent times. However, policy processes lack provisions for concrete actions. Most importantly, the government of Pakistan should immediately ratify and implement the Sindh Criminal Law (Protection of Minorities) Act 2016 against forced conversions. An accountability mechanism must be established to ensure religious institutions do not become party to forced conversions. Protection should also be provided to the victims, their families, and judges presiding over the cases. Penalties should also be devised and imposed on law enforcement agencies that align with powerful feudal and political interests.
These arrangements should augment Article 36 — Protection of minorities — of the Constitution of Pakistan. It should weave into the larger framework of minority protection and equal opportunities as an equal citizen of Pakistan.

Music Video - Bohat Khobsurat Hai Mayra Sanam - Mehdi Hassan (Aabshaar)

Remembering Mir Murtaza Bhutto







By Bashir Riaz




Pakistan recently celebrated its seventieth independence day. However, freedom has not come easily and the country has had to struggle against the shackles of dictatorship for several decades. It has been the blood of the Bhuttos that has managed to nourish the young sapling of democracy in this country that was parched of democratic values. Mir Murtaza Bhutto is a prominent name among the long list of Bhuttos who have lost their lives for their country while fighting dictatorship. Murtaza considered dictatorship as catastrophic for his country. On March 18, 1978 when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto was sentenced to death, Mir Murtaza Bhutto was studying in Oxford. Despite the difficult circumstances, Murtaza never gave up struggling for his father’s life. He contacted many head of states to save his father.
After Zulfikar Ali Bhutto’s death sentence, Mir Murtaza Bhutto and Mir Shahnawaz Bhutto left their studies and moved to London and during this time I got the opportunity to spend a lot of time with Murtaza. He was the publisher of the weekly Masawat while I was the editor. Masawat brought the two of us close together. After the July of 1977, I was continuously in touch with Benazir Bhutto. General Zia’s stooges were thirsty for blood of the Bhuttos. They were constantly conspiring to get rid of Mir Murtaza and Shahnawaz and this kept me greatly worried. Benazir Bhutto came to London in January 1984, I was her media spokesperson. Benazir truly loved both Mir Shahnawaz and Mir Murtaza. After their father’s death, she considered it her responsibility as an older sister to take care of her brothers.


The murder of Mr. Zulfikar Ali Bhutto at the hands of a military dictator had affected Murtaza to a great degree. After the International Jurist Conference, he decided to go to Kabul. At that time, Afghanistan had already seen Turkai’s revolution. The Gulf states did not appreciate Murtaza’s decision to go to Kabul and his support eventually declined. In Afghanistan, Mir Murtaza and Mir Shahnawaz married two sisters. Instead of political struggle, the brothers chose armed struggle. It was during this time when the plane hijacking incident took place. After this, Mir Murtaza was put under sanctions for air travel world-wide. In 1985, Mir Shahnawaz was found dead under mysterious circumstances. Mir Murtaza separated from his wife because she was the sister of Shahnawaz’s wife Rehana. He took his daughter Fatima and went to Damascus.
The circumstances evolved for the better but they were still not favourable enough for Mir Murtaza to return in his home country. He wanted to come back to Pakistan. His friends and well-wishers tried to convince him that the time is not right for his return. The officials in Damascus also warned him that his life would be in danger in Pakistan but Murtaza was determined to return home. He fought the elections and barely managed to win one seat. Some forces tried to intensify the differences between BB and Mir Murtaza Bhutto, however BB always displayed patience. While Mir Murtaza was in Kabul, his party workers, mother, and sister continued to face difficulties in Pakistan. As he was put under travel restrictions, he got a passport made in the name of Dr. Salah Uddin that he used for traveling purposes.
During exile, Mir Murtaza wrote a letter to me. He wrote: “finally, I am sure you will continue with your mission with the same determination you have shown in the past. You have my complete trust, just as you have always enjoyed the trust and confidence of my entire family. Shaheed Badshah would have been proud of the struggle you launched for him.”
Mir Murtaza Bhutto was a tall and handsome man with a gifted sense of humour. The relationship with him underwent a lot of ups and downs but mutual respect and affections never weakened. After his return to Pakistan in 1993, some people started creating misunderstanding between BB and Mir Murtaza. He started thinking that his role in politics was being restricted. On the other hand, BB worried about his safety. Then the great tragedy happened. On September 20, 1996, the Sarr e Rah police squad shot him dead. The Prime Minister, Benazir Bhutto was devastated by her brother’s death, Begum Nusrat Bhutto was in a state of unconsciousness, Begum Sahiba had brought presents for Mir Murtaza’s birthday from London; these were left around scattered, Fatima was in a shock, her world seemed to be crashing down with her father’s death. Unfortunately, the cruel circumstances pushed Fatima and Zulfikar Junior away from their aunt Benazir and a relationship of love turned into bitterness.
Chairman Pakistan People’s Party, Bilawal Bhutto Zardari has often mentioned Mir Murtaza in his speeches and talks. For the restoration of democracy and in the fight against dictatorship, Mir Murtaza chose a different path, but the destination was the same as directed by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto. Bilawal Bhutto was born on September 21, 1988. This month, he would be celebrating his 29th birthday. Mir Murtaza was born on September 18, 1954 and was murdered on September 20, 1996. These three dates are significant. Bilawal Bhutto Zardari is running the party following in the footsteps of his mother and grandfather.
Instead of political struggle, the brothers chose armed struggle.

Pakistan - Women of FATA village stranded as FCR imprisons all men of area




Ali Afzaal
A village in Kurram Agency has had all its men imprisoned under the collective responsibility clause of the Frontier Crimes Regulation (FCR), forcing the women of the village to seek help from men of a neighbouring village for outdoor chores for three years.
The men — nearly 20 — of Kinkot Kalay in Upper Kurram Agency were all put behind bars after a tribal leader was shot dead four years ago, a resident of the village told Geo.tv.
He added the locals had to bear the brunt under the collective responsibility clause of the draconian FCR as the accused, Taj, had escaped the site.
The locking up of all the men of the village stranded the women in their houses, who could not step out for chores given the tribal customs which suggests it is disrespectful for women to go out to the bazaars alone.
Subsequently, the women of Kinkot Kalay had to seek men in the neighbouring village to get outdoor chores done for them, for instance getting grocery from the market, the local said. He added the practice went on for nearly three years until recently when the men of Kinkot Kalay were released after the arrest of Taj. The practice of holding tribal people responsible under the FCR is so common that 80 per cent of the inmates in the jails of FATA are imprisoned based on the same law.
There are also those who have been behind bars under the FCR for multiple times in their life time.
A resident of Parachinar, Dildar Hussain Janjal, has been to jail as many times as his age — 45 — charged by what is also known as the black law of FATA. While talking about an instance, a local said once when Dildar Hussain was in jail, an incident took place in a market of Parachinar. He was charged with the crime despite being behind bars since a month, with the police going to Dildar Hussain's house to arrest him. Nevertheless, reforms have been called in FATA to rid the tribal people of the injustice meted out to them under the draconian law. During a Cabinet session chaired by Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan on Tuesday, a draft was presented for the new bill of FATA Reforms, promising abolishment of the FCR and extension of the judicial system to FATA to bring tribal people at par with the rest of the country.
The development comes as a ray of hope for the people of FATA who were introduced to FCR during the British Raj.
Among other clauses of the law, widely known as the collective responsibility clause which punishes the family or tribe members for crimes of an individual.

Russia’s Position On China-Pakistan’s CPEC




The year of 2010 marked the beginning of an age of shifting interest and realignments of power relationships. This matrix of the new age brought the strategic partnership of three key powers which are central to the resolution of many regional issues and whose collective political decisions can shape the political environment of the future. This power relationship is between China, Pakistan and Russia. China has economic and global influence, and Russia enjoys strength in information warfare and Pakistan combats terrorism and sits in a geo-strategic location. This emerging triangular relationship have the inherent political potential to pull the strings in the global political theater. The international political order is moving toward multi-polarity, which is leaning toward Asia, a multi-ethnic and multi-cultural region.
New world developments such as China’s investment in the One Belt One Road Initiative and Russia’s Eurasian Economic Union and its connectivity with OBOR are key factors that will define the new trends in the power relations between these three nations. China under its dynamic leader Xi Jinping ambitiously envisioned and pursued the economic strategy to integrate Asia with Europe, Middle East and Africa with its OBOR initiative. Pakistan and Russia are two important actors in China’s geo-strategic ambitions, first in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and second in the OBOR integration with the Eurasian Economic Union. In this context, China, Pakistan and Russia have shared objectives in commerce, defense and regional security.
From Pakistan’s perspective, the Chinese seek to accelerate their trade and commerce through CPEC, which is an essential component of the Maritime Silk Road, which is composed of railways, highways and pipelines and various energy and industrial projects designed to stave off Pakistan’s energy starvation. The project will also improve regional connectivity and pave the way for China’s access to the Indian Ocean by linking Xinjiang Province with Pakistan’s Gwadar Port. The geo-strategic interests of both China and Pakistan converge beyond their geographies and also include substantial roles in Afghanistan. China’s interests in Afghanistan range from development assistance to investments, and its emerging security role will help it get and preserve those interests in a country which needs an enhanced security environment.
China and Russia’s shared interests are to counter U.S. hegemony. They shared many multilateral platforms and institutions such as BRICS and SCO to strengthen their strategic partnership. Russia, with its Eurasian Economic Union initiative, and China, with its OBOR initiative, are seeking to revolutionize world trade and integrate world economics through trans-regional connectivity and mutual cooperation with the shared objective of a G-zero World. Eminent political commentator Pepe Escobar stated that Russia and China are not only protecting their core national interests but advancing their complementarities. Russia’s excellence in aerospace, defense technology and heavy industry matches Chinese excellence in agriculture, light industry and information technology. Both countries are supported by prestigious coalitions such as BRICS, SCO, CSTO and the Eurasian Economic Union. Both Russia and China have shared objectives regarding peace and stability in Afghanistan and South Asia.
In South Asia, Russia’s recent approach to Pakistan, its Cold War-era rival represents a clean break from that animosity. Russia’s security ties with the “Friendship 2016” joint military exercise with Pakistan is a recent example which has more benefits than costs attached. Russia and Pakistan bilateral relations are at the embryonic stage with the projects undertaken representing a cautious approach. Here it is pertinent to state that Pakistan’s traditional rival India is uneasy with the growing ties between Russia and Pakistan. Russia is the second largest defense exporter to India, and it is expected that their bilateral defense trade will reach 30 billion dollars by 2025.
On the other hand, Russia and Pakistan share strategic interests as Russia wants to resolve the Afghanistan dilemma because it has fears of the spill-over effects of terrorism from Afghanistan into its backyard in Central Asia, particularly, the emergence of IS, which threatens the stability of Russia itself with reference to Chechnya. It also has fears of the presence of U.S. forces in Afghanistan. Pakistan’s interests start with strengthening its position in the region by engaging with another nuclear power. Second, Pakistan seeks a peaceful resolution of the violence in Afghanistan. Third, Pakistan seeks benefits from giving Russia access Gwadar Port and the subsequent incorporation of Russia in OBOR. In a nutshell, in the South Asian context, Pakistan’s reach to Russia comes out of the need to counterbalance India’s growing influence in the region, especially after the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA) between India and the U.S., which seems to make India a “linchpin” in this region.
Indian access to U.S. weapons alongside U.S. support for Indian operations in the Indian Ocean represents an alarming signal to Pakistan that it should recalibrate its international relations and increase its outreach to counter the prospective Indian hegemony in South Asia. Simultaneously, Pakistan should maintain its relations with the U.S. because its improving strategic relations with Russia and China are not to be done at the cost of relations with the U.S. The only objective is to counterbalance India’s hegemony in the region.

https://www.valuewalk.com/2017/09/russias-position-cpec/

In Pakistan, a Text Message Can Lead to a Death Sentence

Saroop Ijaz

Officials Lean on Abusive Blasphemy Law to Punish Free Speech.

In Pakistan, a poem sent over WhatsApp can prove deadly.
On September 14, a court in Gujrat district, Punjab province sentenced to death Nadeem James, a 35-year-old Christian, for sending a poem to a friend that was deemed insulting to Islam. James denies ever having sent the message.
James isn’t the only person in Pakistan condemned to death over a post on social media.


In June, Taimoor Raza, 30, was sentenced to death by an anti-terrorism court in Bahawalpur district for allegedly making blasphemous comments during a Facebook chat with someone who eventually turned out be a counterterrorism agent on the prowl. In April 2014, a Christian couple were sentenced to death for sending a blasphemous text message to a local cleric. The couple claimed that they were illiterate and could not have sent a blasphemous text in English. Junaid Hafeez, a university professor, has been imprisoned for nearly four years facing a possible death sentence for accusations of sharing blasphemous material online. Hafeez’s lawyer was murdered in May 2014.
The abusive nature of Pakistan’s blasphemy laws is not new. However, the increasing use of blasphemy provisions to jail and prosecute people for comments made on social media is a dangerous escalation. Many officials are using religious rhetoric and whipping up tensions over the issue of blasphemy. In March, the then-interior minister described blasphemers as “enemies of humanity” and expressed the intention of taking the matter of blasphemers to a “logical conclusion.” Although no one has yet been executed for the crime, Pakistan’s penal code makes the death penalty mandatory in blasphemy convictions. At least 19 people remain on death row.
Even accusations of blasphemy can be deadly. Since 1990, at least 60 people accused of blasphemy have been murdered.
Religious minorities are significantly overrepresented among those facing blasphemy charges, and are often victimized due to personal disputes. A death sentence for alleged blasphemy online in a country with low literacy rates and lack of familiarity with modern technology is an invitation for a witch-hunt. Pakistan needs to amend and ultimately repeal its blasphemy laws; not extend their scope to digital speech.